CLARITY Act needs 11 more Senate votes, but 4 of the 49 it already has want the bill changed

Four Republican senators who voted to advance the CLARITY Act on Sept. 15 also appear as named supporters on a bank-backed amendment seeking tougher restrictions on stablecoin yield.

As Punchbowl News reported on Sept. 21, John Cornyn, John Curtis, Cindy Hyde-Smith, and Lisa Murkowski all voted “Yes” on the procedural motion, which fell short 49-50. All four also signed onto Sen. Jerry Moran's stablecoin amendment, which the banking industry has pushed as a fix to language the bill's own supporters wrote.

The math behind the CLARITY Act 11-vote gap

The Sept. 15 cloture vote needed 60 votes to succeed and got 49, with one senator not voting, leaving supporters 11 short. Losing any of the four senators identified in the amendment would raise that number.

If all four switched to “No” on a future vote, the “Yes” total would fall to 45, and the gap would grow to 15. That scenario is a hypothetical built purely from the arithmetic, since signing an amendment records a policy position on paper.

Moran and Susan Collins also appear on the amendment, and both already voted no on Sept. 15, so their positions carry no new vote-count risk. Josh Hawley voted no on Sept. 15, then joined the amendment as a cosponsor the next day.

The four senators worth watching are the ones who voted to open debate on CLARITY and separately asked for stricter language on how stablecoin issuers can reward customers.

Moran's amendment (SA 6771) targets the bill's current standard for prohibited stablecoin rewards, the phrase “economically or functionally equivalent to the payment of interest.”

It replaces that standard with broader language covering anything “substantially similar to the manner in which depository institutions pay interest or yield.” It also strikes the word “solely” from one provision entirely.

A separate subsection that let issuers calculate certain rewards using account balances, holding duration, or customer tenure gets removed entirely.

The banking industry's concern is that a stablecoin reward routed through an exchange, an affiliate, or a loyalty program can function economically like deposit interest under a broader definition. Community banks worry about losing deposits to that kind of product.

Banks say the current safeguard reacts too late

CLARITY's existing draft addresses this through what amounts to a regulatory circuit breaker, letting regulators intervene if Treasury finds harm to community banks within 18 months of enactment.

The American Bankers Association and other banking groups have publicly rejected that approach, arguing that waiting to confirm harm once deposits have already left community banks defeats the purpose of the restriction.

That disagreement sits entirely apart from the ethics fight that has occupied most of the public debate around CLARITY.

Democrats have pushed for stronger provisions addressing public officials' financial interests in cryptocurrency throughout the negotiation. The Sept. 14 draft incorporated revisions on that front, including a new enforcement role for state attorneys general. The vote produced zero Democratic support the next day.

Winning over bank-aligned Republicans on stablecoin language and winning over Democrats on ethics are two separate negotiations that happen to be running through the same bill at the same time.

Sen. Thom Tillis changed his vote to “No” as soon as the tally came in and entered a motion to reconsider. That procedural maneuver keeps CLARITY eligible for another vote without requiring the bill to restart from scratch.

Banking groups have continued asking publicly for the amendment's changes since the vote, and any future draft will show plainly whether that request made it into the text. The Senate is scheduled to stay in session into early October before its pre-midterm recess, and no new vote date has been set yet in that window.

The coalition is key

The bull case has Cornyn, Curtis, Hyde-Smith, and Murkowski staying yes on any future cloture vote even without every revision they want. Negotiators separately convert 11 or more of the senators who voted no or stayed home in September.

Under that path, the amendment becomes a documented disagreement that never cost a vote, and the remaining fight stays where it has been: on ethics language and Democratic support.

The bear case has bank-aligned Republicans treating their amendment as a genuine condition, withholding their support on a future vote until the stablecoin language changes to their satisfaction.

In that scenario, any defection from that group of four pushes the vote threshold well past 11, forcing negotiators to solve two separate fights before CLARITY can reach 60.

CLARITY's public math has always been about the votes it still needs. The Moran amendment is evidence that some of the votes it already has come with conditions nobody has tested yet.